Volume II Part 12 (1/2)

After a cursory sketch of the Mongol-Chinese territory, the writer of the article proceeds thus:-”A French Lazarist called Huc, arrived, about three years ago, amongst some Chinese families, who were established in the valley of Black Waters, about two hundred leagues journey from the Great Wall. Another Lazarist, whose name is unknown to me, {203d} joined him in the plan of forming a mission among the Mongol Buddhists. They studied the Mongol language with the Lamas of the neighbouring Lamaseries. It seems that they were taken for foreign Lamas, and were treated in a friendly manner, particularly by the Buddhists, who are very ignorant, and who mistook the Latin of their breviaries for Sanscrit, which they do not understand, but for which they have a secret veneration, because the rites of their religious books, in Mongol, translated from the Sanscrit, are printed in red ink.

”When the missionaries thought themselves sufficiently learned in the language, they advanced into the interior, with the intention of commencing their work of conversion. From that time only uncertain rumours were heard about them, but in May last, from the interior of Mongol-Tartary, the news came that they had been tied to horses' tails, and so dragged to death. The real causes of this event are not as yet known.”

Whilst they were thus announcing our death so positively, we were approaching the termination of our long journey, and were close upon Canton, happily enjoying a health fully capable of refuting the news thus propagated concerning us. But if, by chance, we had perished among the mountains of Thibet, if we had been murdered there, the world would have remained convinced that we had been tied to horses' tails and had died in Mongolia. It would probably have never been believed that we had reached the capital of Thibet; and if, at some later time, some European traveller had visited Lha-Ssa, and had been informed of our abode in that town, it would have been, perhaps, just as difficult to reconcile these statements, as those respecting Moorcroft. Although the death of the English traveller is a matter which we cannot clear up, we did not conceive that we could omit to say what we knew of it, without pretending to invalidate, by the accounts collected at Lha-Ssa, the doc.u.ments set forth in the scientific London journals.

We were scarcely a month at Lha-Ssa before the numerous inhabitants of this town grew accustomed to speak with respect and admiration of the holy doctrine of Jehovah, and of the great kingdom of France. The peace and tranquillity we enjoyed, the distinguished protection which the Thibetian government extended to us, the sympathy with which the people seemed to surround us, all inspired us with the hope, that, by the aid of G.o.d, we might lay in the very capital of Buddhism the foundation of a mission, the influence of which would soon extend itself among the nomad tribes of Mongolia. The moment seemed to have come when the Tartar pilgrims might at length learn, at Lha-Ssa, the only doctrine which can save men's souls, and civilize nations.

As soon as we considered our position at Lha-Ssa confirmed, we turned our thoughts to the means of renewing our communications with Europe in the speediest manner. The path of the desert was impracticable. We had, certainly, managed to cross once, and as it were by a miracle, these steppes infested by brigands and wild beasts; but it was out of the question to think of organising a service of couriers along that frightful route. Supposing, besides, the fullest security that could be desired, the mere length of the journey was a thing to make one shudder.

The road by India seemed alone practicable. From Lha-Ssa to the first English station is not quite a month's journey. By establis.h.i.+ng one correspondent on the other side of the Himalaya mountains, and one at Calcutta, our communication with France would become, if not prompt and easy, at all events feasible. As this plan could only be put into execution with the consent of the Thibetian government, we communicated it to the Regent, who immediately entered into our views, and it was agreed that in the summer M. Gabet should undertake the journey to Calcutta, with a Thibetian escort, who were to accompany him as far as Boutan.

Such were the plans we were forming for the establishment of a mission at Lha-Ssa; but at this very moment the enemy to all good was hard at work to ruin our projects, and to remove us from a country which he seems to have chosen for the seat of his empire. Having heard here and there words of evil auspice, we comprehended that the Chinese amba.s.sador was secretly plotting our expulsion from Thibet. The vague rumour of this persecution had, in fact, nothing about it to surprise us. From the outset, we had foreseen that if difficulties a.s.sailed us, they would emanate from the Chinese Mandarins. Ki-Chan, in fact, could not bear to see the Thibetian government receive with so much favour a religion and strangers, whom the absurd prejudices of China have so long driven from her frontiers. Christianity and the French name excited too forcibly the sympathy of the people of Lha-Ssa, not to arouse Chinese jealousy. An agent of the court of Peking could not, without anger, reflect on the popularity which strangers enjoyed in Thibet, and on the influence which they might one day exercise in a country which China has every interest in keeping under her dominion. It was determined, therefore, that the preachers of the religion of the Lord of Heaven should be driven from Lha-Ssa.

One day, the amba.s.sador, Ki-Chan, sent for us, and after sundry attempts at cajolery, ended by saying that Thibet was too cold, too poor a country for us, and that we had better think of returning to our kingdom of France. Ki-Chan addressed these words to us, with a sort of indifferent, careless manner, as though he supposed there could he no sort of objection to them. We asked him if, in speaking thus, he proposed to us advice or command. ”Both the one and the other,” he replied, coldly.

”Since it is so, we have first to thank you for the interest which you seem to have in our welfare, in telling us that this country is cold and miserable. But you must know, that men such as we, do not regard the goods and conveniences of this world; were it not so, we should have remained in our own kingdom of France. For know, there is not anywhere a country comparable with our own. As for the imperative portion of your words, this is our answer: 'Admitted into Thibet by the local authority, we recognise no right in you, or in any other person, to disturb our abode here.'” ”How! you who are strangers, presume still to remain here?'” ”Yes, we are strangers, but we know that the laws of Thibet are not like those of China. The Peboun, the Katchi, the Mongols, are strangers like us, and yet they are permitted to live here in peace; no one disturbs them. What, then, is the meaning of this arbitrary proceeding of yours, in ordering Frenchmen from a country open to all people? If foreigners are to quit Lha-Ssa, why do you stay here? Does not your t.i.tle of Kin-Tchai (amba.s.sador) distinctly announce that you yourself are but a foreigner here?” At these words, Ki-Chan bounded on his velvet cus.h.i.+on. ”I a foreigner!” cried he, ”a foreigner! I, who bear the authority of the Grand Emperor, who, only a few months' since, condemned and exiled the Nomekhan.” ”We are acquainted with that affair.

There is this difference between the Nomekhan and us, that the Nomekhan came from Kan-Sou, a province of the empire, and we come from France, where your Grand Emperor is n.o.body; and that the Nomekhan a.s.sa.s.sinated three Tale-Lamas, while we have done no injury to any man. Have we any other aim than to make known to men the true G.o.d, and to teach them the way to save their souls?” ”Ay, as I have already said to you, I believe you to be honest people; but then the religion you preach has been declared wicked, and prohibited by our Grand Emperor.” ”To these words, we can only reply thus: The religion of the Lord of Heaven does not need the sanction of your Emperor to make it a holy religion, any more than we, of its mission, need it to come and preach in Thibet.” The Chinese amba.s.sador did not think it expedient to continue this discussion; he drily dismissed us, declaring that we might rest a.s.sured he would make us quit Thibet. We hastened to the Regent, in order to acquaint him with the melancholy interview we had had with Ki-Chan. The chief Kalon had been made aware of the projects of persecution which the Chinese Mandarins were hatching against us. He endeavoured to rea.s.sure us, and told us, that protecting in the country thousands of strangers, he was powerful enough to give us the protection which the Thibetian government extended to all. ”Besides,” added he, ”even though our laws did prohibit strangers from entering our country, those laws could not affect you.

Religious persons, men of prayer, belonging to all countries, are strangers nowhere; such is the doctrine taught by our holy books. It is written: 'The yellow goat has no country, the Lama no family.' Lha-Ssa being the peculiar a.s.sembling-place and abode of men of prayer, that t.i.tle of itself should always secure for you liberty and protection.”

This opinion of the Buddhists, which const.i.tutes a religious man a cosmopolite, is not merely a mystic idea written in books, but we have found it recognised in the manners and customs of the Lamaseries; when a man has had his head shaved, and a.s.sumes the religious habit, he renounces his former name to take a new one. If you ask a Lama of what country he is, he replies, ”I have no country, but I pa.s.s my time in such a Lamasery.” This manner of thinking and acting is even admitted in China, amongst the bonzes and other cla.s.ses of religionists, who are called by the generic name of Tchou-Kia-Jin, (a man who has left his family.)

There was, respecting us, a controversy of several days' duration, between the Thibetian government and the Chinese amba.s.sador. Ki-Chan, in order to insure better success to his aims, a.s.sumed the character of defender of the Tale-Lama. This was his argument: Sent to Lha-Ssa by his Emperor, to protect the Living Buddha, it was his duty to remove from him whatever was calculated to injure him. Certain preachers of the religion of the Lord of Heaven, animated, no doubt, by excellent intentions, were propagating a doctrine which, in the end, tended to destroy the authority and power of the Tale-Lama. Their avowed purpose was to subst.i.tute their religious belief for Buddhism, and to convert all the inhabitants of Thibet of every age, condition, and s.e.x. What would become of the Tale-Lama when he had no wors.h.i.+ppers? The introduction into the country of the religion of the Lord of Heaven, does it not lead directly to the destruction of the sanctuary of the Buddha-La, and consequently, to the downfall of the Lamanesque hierarchy and of the Thibetian government?

”I,” said he, ”who am here to protect the Tale-Lama, can I permit, at Lha-Ssa, men who propagate such formidable doctrines? When those doctrines have taken root, and it is no longer possible to extirpate them, who will be responsible for such a misfortune? What shall I reply to the Grand Emperor, when he shall reproach me with my negligence and cowardice? You Thibetians,” said he to the Regent; ”you do not comprehend the gravity of this matter. Because these men are virtuous and irreproachable, you think they are harmless-it is a mistake. If they remain long at Lha-Ssa, they will spell-bind you. Among you, there is not a man capable of disputing with them upon religion. You will not be able to keep from adopting their belief, and then the Tale-Lama is undone.”

The Regent did not enter at all into these apprehensions, with which the Chinese amba.s.sador endeavoured to inspire him. He maintained that our presence at Lha-Ssa could not in any way be prejudicial to the Thibetian government. ”If the doctrine which these men held,” said he, ”is a false doctrine, the Thibetians will not embrace it; if, on the contrary, it is true, what have we to fear? How can the truth be prejudicial to men?

These two Lamas of the kingdom of France,” he added, ”have not done any harm; they are animated with the best intentions towards us. Can we, without good ground, deprive them of the liberty and protection which we extend here to all strangers, and particularly to men of prayer? Can we make ourselves guilty of an actual and certain injustice, through an imaginary fear of some possible evil to come?”

Ki-Chan reproached the Regent with neglecting the interests of the Tale-Lama, and the Regent on his part accused Ki-Chan of taking advantage of the minority of the sovereign, to tyrannize over the Thibetian government. For our parts, in this unfortunate contest, we refused to acknowledge the authority of the Chinese Mandarin, and declared that we would not quit the country without a formal order from the Regent, who a.s.sured us that they should never extort from him any such thing.

The quarrel became more and more exacerbated every day. Ki-Chan resolved to take on himself to expel us from the country. Matters had come to such a crisis, that prudence obliged us to yield to circ.u.mstances, and to oppose no further resistance, for fear of compromising the Regent, and of becoming, perhaps, the cause of lamentable dissensions between China and Thibet. By further opposing this unjust persecution, we might irritate too vehemently the Chinese, and furnish pretexts for their project of usurping the Thibetian government. If, on our account, a rupture unhappily broke out between Lha-Ssa and Peking, we should inevitably be held responsible for it; we should become odious in the eyes of the Thibetians, and the introduction of Christianity into these countries would be encountered hereafter with greater difficulties than ever. We therefore considered that it would be better to submit, and to accept with resignation the crown of persecution. Our conduct should prove to the Thibetians, that at least we had come among them with peaceful intentions, and that we did not intend to establish ourselves there by violence.

Another consideration helped to confirm our resolution. It occurred to us that this very tyranny which the Chinese exercised against us, might perhaps be the ultimate occasion of our missionaries establis.h.i.+ng themselves in Thibet with security. In our simplicity, we imagined that the French government would not see with indifference this monstrous a.s.sumption of China, in daring to persecute Christianity and the French name even among foreign nations, and at a distance of more than a thousand leagues from Peking. We were persuaded that the representative of France at Canton could not omit to make emphatic remonstrances to the Chinese authorities, and that he would obtain just reparation for the violence with which we had been treated. In thinking thus, we poor and obscure missionaries were far from wis.h.i.+ng to give ourselves, in our own eyes, the least personal importance; but we do not disguise it, we were proud in the belief that our position as Frenchmen would be a sufficient t.i.tle for our obtaining the protection of the government of our country.

After having maturely considered these points, we proceeded to the Regent. On learning that we had determined to leave Lha-Ssa, he seemed sad and embarra.s.sed. He told us he greatly wished he had it in his power to secure for us a free and tranquil abode in Thibet; but that alone, and without the support of his sovereign, he had found himself too weak to resist the tyranny of the Chinese, who for several years past, taking advantage of the infancy of the Tale-Lama, had a.s.sumed unprecedented claims in the country. We thanked the Regent for his goodwill, and left him to wait upon the Chinese amba.s.sador.

We told Ki-Chan that, at a distance from all protection, we had resolved to leave Lha-Ssa, since he was determined to compel us to do so; but that we protested against this violation of our rights. ”Well, well,”

answered Ki-Chan, ”you cannot do better; you must depart; it will be better for you, better for the Thibetians, better for me, better for everybody.” He then told us that he had ordered all preparations to be made for our departure; that the Mandarin and escort who were to accompany us, had been selected. It had even been arranged that we should depart in eight days, and that they should take us along the route which leads to the frontiers of China. This last arrangement, excited at once our indignation and surprise; it was inconceivable how they could have the cruelty to condemn us to a journey of eight months, whilst by proceeding towards India twenty-five days' march would suffice to carry us to the first European station, whence we could not fail to find means, both secure and easy, for reaching Calcutta. We forthwith and vehemently protested against the project, but our protest was disregarded, as was the request for some few additional days rest, after the long journey we had just made, and to give time for the closing of the great wounds caused by the cold of the desert. All we could say to mollify the cruelty of the Chinese amba.s.sador was unavailing.

We then laid aside our suppliant tone, and declared to the delegate of the court of Peking, that we yielded to violence, but that we would denounce to our government: first, that the Chinese amba.s.sador, installed at Lha-Ssa, had arbitrarily and violently driven us thence, under the vain pretext that we were strangers and preachers of the Christian religion, which he called wicked and repudiated by his Emperor. In the second place, that in opposition to all right and all justice, he had prevented us from pursuing an easy and direct route, of only twenty-five days' journey, to drag us tyrannically into the interior of China, and make us undergo the hards.h.i.+ps of an eight months' journey. Finally, that we would denounce to our government the barbarity with which they forced us to set out, without allowing us a little rest, a barbarity which, in our then state, we had a right to consider as an attempt upon our life.

Ki-Chan replied that he had nothing to do with what the French government might think or do, that in his conduct he had only to regard the will of his Emperor. ”If my master,” he said, ”knew that I had permitted two Europeans freely to preach the religion of the Lord of heaven in Thibet, I should be lost. It would not be possible for me to escape death.”

The next day, Ki-Chan sent for us in order to communicate to us a report he had drawn up on the subject of our affairs; and which he proposed to lay before the Emperor. ”I did not wish,” said he, ”to let it go without reading it to you previously, for fear there should have escaped me in it any expressions inexact in themselves or distasteful to you.” Having attained his chief object, Ki-Chan had resumed his amiable and conciliatory manner towards us. His report was unmeaning enough; what it said about us was neither good nor bad; it simply set forth a dry nomenclature of the countries we had pa.s.sed through, since our departure from Macao. ”Is this report as you like it?” said Ki-Chan; ”do you see anything in it to alter?” M. Huc answered, that he had an observation to make of great importance. ”Speak, I listen.” ”What I have to say to you, does not interest us in the least; but it affects you very nearly.”

”Let us hear what it is.” ”My communication must be private: let your people withdraw.” ”These men are my servants; they all belong to my household; fear nothing.” ”Oh, it is not we who have anything to fear; all the danger is to you.” ”The danger to me! No matter, the officers of my suite may hear all.” ”If you will, you can repeat to them what I have to say; but I cannot speak in their presence.” ”Mandarins cannot hold secret conversations with strangers; it is forbidden by the laws.”

”In that case, I have nothing to tell you; send the report just as it is; but if it brings misfortune upon you, only blame yourself.” The Chinese amba.s.sador became pensive; he took infinite pinches of snuff, one after another, and then, as the result of long reflection, told his suite to retire, and to leave us alone with him.

When everyone had gone, M. Huc began: ”Now,” said he to Ki-Chan, ”you will understand why I wished to speak to you in private, and how important it is to you that no one should hear what I have to tell you.

You will judge if we are dangerous men, we who fear even to injure our persecutors.” Ki-Chan was pale and disconcerted. ”Let us hear,” said he; ”explain yourself-let your words be candid and clear; what would you say?” ”In your report, there is an inexact.i.tude; you make me set out from Macao with my brother Joseph Gabet, and yet I did not enter China till four years after him.” ”Oh, if that is all, it is easy to correct it.” ”Yes, very easy. This report, you say, is for your Emperor; is it not so?” ”Certainly.” ”In that case, it is your duty to tell the Emperor the truth and nothing but the truth.” ”Oh, nothing but the truth; let us correct the report. At what period did you enter China?”

”In the twentieth year of Tao-Kouang (1840).” Ki-Chan took his pencil and wrote in the margin-twentieth year of Tao-Kouang. ”What moon?” ”The second moon.” Ki-Chan hearing us speak of the second moon, laid down his pencil and looked at us with a fixed stare. ”Yes, I entered the Chinese empire in the twentieth year of Tao-Kouang, in the second moon; I pa.s.sed through the province of Canton, of which you were at that time viceroy.

Why do you not write? are you not to tell all the truth to the Emperor?”

The face of Ki-Chan contracted. ”Do you see now why I wished to talk to you in private?” ”Yes, I know the Christians are good people-does anyone here know of this matter?” ”No, not anyone.” Ki-Chan took the report, tore it up; he wrote a fresh one, entirely different from the first. The dates of our first entry into China were not exactly set forth, and there was a pompous eulogium on our knowledge and sanct.i.ty. The poor man had been simple enough to believe that we attached a great importance to his Emperor's good opinion of us.